Burundi escapó de una guerra civil y años de terror. Hoy se supone que vive en democracia, pero eso está por verse. Ante las próximas elecciones de mayo, y con el panorama de violencia política que asuela el país, parece imposible que éstas se celebren pacíficamente y bajo el paraguas de la democracia.

State building in the Democratic Republic of Congo is at risk of failing without a new impetus to support democratic consolidation in 2010.

I rapporti tra Gheddafi e Déby sono caratterizzati da una certa superficialità, dovuta alle tensioni passate e ai sospetti che nutrono l’uno per l’altro.

With a fledgling democratic government and a formal peace process finally in place in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the country will celebrate its 50th year of independence next month.

Cameroon’s apparent stability is deceptive: even if it overcomes its near-term challenges, longer-term deterioration could lead to conflict.

La fièvre des élections s’empare de l’Afrique centrale. Pour la seconde fois depuis la fin des guerres qui ont dévasté la région, les scrutins s’enchaînent au Burundi, au Rwanda, en République centrafricaine et au Congo.

Cameroon, until now a point of stability in the region, faces potential instability in the run-up to the presidential elections scheduled for late 2011.

Alors que se préparent les célébrations du cinquantenaire de l’indépendance de la République démocratique du Congo, le 30 juin prochain, deux événements très récents viennent rappeler l’extrême fragilité du processus de reconstruction de l’Etat entrepris depuis l’élection de Joseph Kabila en 2006, et les risques existants pour la stabilité du pays.

En Guinée, la période trouble sous la domination de la junte ne sera bientôt plus qu’un mauvais souvenir – si tout va bien. Le capitaine Dadis Camara, qui a été acclamé lors de son arrivée à la tête de l’Etat suite à la mort du président Conté, a fait de 2009 une année que les Guinéens veulent oublier, son évènement le plus marquant ayant été le massacre de 160 personnes dans le stade national en septembre 2009.

Election fever has spread across Central Africa. For the second time since the end of the disastrous civil wars in the region, electoral processes have been launched in Burundi, Rwanda, Central African Republic and the Congo.

While the prospect of Guinea's return to constitutional rule after its recent election is cause for hope, the recent resurgence of military takeovers in Africa may not yet have run its full course.

For more than a year and a half, UN peacekeepers have continuously supported military operations conducted by the Congolese armed forces (FARDC) against the Rwandan rebels of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in North and South Kivu.

Vu du centre de l’Afrique – Tchad, République centrafricaine (RCA) et RD Congo –, le cinquantenaire des indépendances est un anniversaire à l’envers : on en parle davantage à Paris et Bruxelles qu’à N’Djamena, Bangui et Kinshasa. Sans doute parce que, en Europe, il s’agit avant tout de gérer des diasporas turbulentes et une relation bilatérale devenue épineuse tandis que, dans les capitales africaines, il s’agit d’éviter à tout prix le droit d’inventaire.

Después de 28 años bajo el gobierno de Paul Biya, Camerún se encuentra en una situación de inestabilidad grave que no sólo podría echar a perder las próximas elecciones presidenciales en 2011, sino que también pone en riesgo su papel como principal pilar de estabilidad en África Central.

The approaching elections could be important steps toward reviving democracy in Chad, but only if President Idriss Déby opens political space for the opposition beforehand.

Dans de nombreux pays, le pétrole suscite des débats controversés sur son rôle de moteur de changements économiques, sociaux et géopolitiques. Depuis quelques années, les réflexions sur la question du pétrole ont démontré une corrélation négative entre son exploitation, le développement socioéconomique, la gouvernance et le regain des conflits dans les pays producteurs.

In numerous countries, the exploitation of oil has generated debate about its economic, social and geopolitical consequences.

The UN's release of a long awaited report on crimes committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo between 1993-2003 is not only an opportunity to re-examine the historical record of mass violence in DRC -- the scale and nature of which was often overlooked in the wake of the genocide in neighboring Rwanda -- but is also a chance to correct the terms of the deceptive and fragile peace some leaders wish to proclaim in the resource-rich Great Lakes region of Africa.

Es ist eine einmalige Chance, die sich dieser Tage bietet: Die Veröffentlichung eines lang erwarteten Berichts der Vereinten Nationen über Verbrechen in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo (DRK) ist die Gelegenheit für eine Wiederaufarbeitung der Geschichte der massiven Gewalt im Kongo zwischen 1993 und 2003.

The attempt by Congo and Rwanda to end the deadly conflict in eastern Congo by a secret presidential deal and military force is failing and must be changed fundamentally by the Kinshasa government and the international community.

Despite three agreements between the rebels and the government, peace is still elusive in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The Kivus need regional dialogue and a clear, fair repatriation plan, argues Thierry Vircoulon at the International Crisis Group.

Extreme poverty and armed conflict in the diamond-rich areas of the Central African Republic (CAR) put thousands of lives in danger and demand urgent reform of the mining sector.

Burundi risks reversing the decade of progress it has enjoyed since its civil war ended unless the government resumes political dialogue with the opposition.

Chad’s North West may become the next stage for insurgency, drug-running and religious extremism in the Sahel if the government continues to actively neglect the poorest of the violence-plagued country’s poor regions.

The international watchdog which seeks to prevent diamonds from fuelling conflict, the Kimberley Process, should take a very close look at the situation in the Central African Republic

Le processus électoral hors délai constitutionnel qui se déroule depuis le 23 janvier en Centrafrique n'est pas seulement une nouvelle opportunité manquée pour la démocratisation du pays mais c'est aussi un risque sérieux pour la paix.

A la veille de l’entrée en vigueur le 15 avril de l’obligation de rendre publique l’origine des minerais pour les grandes compagnies basées aux Etats-Unis, ICG a effectué une mission au Nord Kivu afin d’évaluer les différentes stratégies de lutte contre les minerais des conflits et leur impact sur le terrain.

As legislation requiring large U.S. companies to disclose the origins of the minerals they use is meant to come into force this year, Crisis Group sent a mission to North Kivu to assess the different strategies used to fight conflict minerals and their impact in the field.

Faced with the dilemma of respecting the constitutional deadline and organising botched elections, or ignoring that deadline and sliding into a situation of unconstitutional power, the Congolese authorities have chosen the first option.

Of the three political upheavals that have hit the Maghreb since the beginning of 2011, the Libyan crisis seems to be the most dangerous. First of all for Libya, because the popular uprising has taken the form of an armed rebellion that has cut the country in two; second, for the West, now that NATO, under the cover of United Nations Resolution 1973 (2011) and in order to protect the civilian population, has entered the conflict on the side of the rebels, rashly gambling on a speedy war; and finally, for the region as a whole, because the conflict recently "overflowed" into Tunisia, and neighbouring countries are beginning to feel its humanitarian consequences.

On 15 June 2011 the Congolese Parliament adopted, after nearly three months of de-bate, the new electoral law. The Senate, or upper house, controlled by the opposition, and the National Assembly, or lower house, controlled by the ruling coalition, both voted for an electoral law which ultimately remains very similar to that governing the 2006 elections. Parliament took three months of debate to reject most of the amend-ments proposed by the ruling party (PPRD). In doing so it demonstrated that the ex-ecutive could not simply trump its interests.

5 mois après la publication du rapport Burundi : du boycott électoral à l’impasse politique, la dynamique de régression que nous décrivions en détails dans ce texte produit ses effets dévastateurs. La fin du consensus d’Arusha et le pourrissement du climat politique consécutif au boycott électoral de 2010 ont conduit à une violence qui, en dépit du lénifiant discours officiel, ne cesse de prendre de l’ampleur.

The technical preparations for the presidential and legislative elections scheduled on 28 November and the beginning of the electoral campaign in the East of Congo have generated suspicion that risks developing into a crisis of confidence in the whole electoral process.

The fall of Qaddafi’s regime, followed by his death on 20 October, could pave the way to promises of democracy in Libya but left neighbouring countries facing new potential problems that could threaten stability in the region.

فتحت النهاية الدموية لعهد القذافي الباب أمام التحول الديمقراطي في ليبيا، بيد أن سقوطه خلف العديد من المشاكل المحتملة الجديدة ليس في ليبيا فحسب، وإنما في البلدان المجاورة أيضا، مما قد يهدد استقرار المنطقة برمتها. تمثل تشاد مثال توضيحياً على ذلك حيث اضطلع القذافي بدور، إيجابياً كان أم سلبياً، في كافة نزاعات هذا البلد، وانتهج سياسة التقرب من رئيسه الحالي إدريس ديبي. كما أن الدعم السياسي الذي قدمه هذا الأخير لولي نعمته الذي كان محكوماً عليه بالفشل منذ اندلاع الثورة، واصطفافه المتأخر جداً مع المجلس الوطني الانتقالي، لا يبشر خيرا حول الحقبة الجديدة للعلاقات بين تشاد والسلطات الليبية الجديدة. إذ أن اتهامات المجلس الانتقالي بأن مقاتلين تشاديين قد دعموا القذافي عسكريا، بالإضافة إلى الاعتداءات العنصرية ضد الأفارقة السود وقضايا اللاجئين والنازحين، والوضع المتفجرعلى الحدود، كل ذلك يقوم بتعقيد العلاقة بين البلدين الجارين.

More than a decade after the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) was requested by the African Union (AU) to give life to a new peace and security architecture, political and security cooperation on the continent is still in need of reinforcement.

Insufficient political will has thwarted regional efforts to stop the murderous Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) but vigorous diplomacy led by the African Union (AU), an immediate military push and complementary civilian initiatives could end the misery of thousands.